The Solomon Islands, China and the West: Contested Colonial Legacies
The announcement of a major security pact between China and the Solomon Islands has struck a discordant note in Washington, London and Canberra. The growing influence of China in the South Pacific is ostensibly a matter of concern because of security of shipping routes. However, the most serious eventuality is Chinese military presence in close proximity and firing range to Australia — which is the key South Pacific security ally of “the West.” However, China and the Solomon Islands government have both denied any plans for a base. Australia, the United States and the United Kingdom launched the AUKUS security agreement in 2021. There is also the “Five Eyes” intelligence sharing partnership which further includes New Zealand and Canada. Australia has also been at the forefront of championing its primacy in the “Indo-Pacific” security order through the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (The Quad) alongside the United States, Japan and India. With these exiting alliances on security that have been forthcoming in their defensive posture against Chinese hegemony, it is no surprise that Beijing would seek security alliances of its own.
Having visited the Solomon Islands for research in 2016 related to mining investments in the archipelago, I noticed some historical vestiges of why the islanders should be cautious in the designs of all these powers. If you walk into most major supermarkets or grocery stores in Honiara, the capital of the country, one is struck by the attendant at the cash register. Usually, it is a middle-aged Chinese individual seated on a raised pedestal atop a bed of cushions keeping a watchful eye on all entrants and itinerants in the store. These business-owners are not recent Chinese immigrants but rather settlers who came during the British colonial period in the early twentieth century. While ethnic Chinese citizens of the country comprise only around 1% of the total population of around 800,000, they have immense economic power. Riots have broken out several times in the past three decades between the dominant Melanesian indigenous population and the Chinese Solomon Islanders. In 2006 there were violent riots requiring an airlift of some 300 ethnic Chinese and 90% of Chinese-owned properties in the capital were destroyed. As recently as December 2021, there have been anti-Chinese riots in the capital.
A subtext to the anti-Chinese sentiment is linked to the conflict between China and Taiwan for influence and recognition with smaller member states of the United Nations. While the egalitarian voting system of the United Nations gives smaller and often lower income states some clout, it can also be used in hegemonic games by wealthier powers. In the case of the Solomons, the tussle between China and Taiwan for recognition has also intersected with domestic rivalries between two of the major islands in the archipelago. The physically larger island of Guadalcanal where the capital is located has been at odds with the more populous island of Malaita on whether to support Taiwan or China’s recognition. When I visited the islands in 2016, the government recognized Taiwan which was significantly investing donor funds into development projects. Malaita has supported Taiwan’s recognition of statehood while the central government switched allegiance in 2019 and formally recognized China. The 2021 riots were partly triggered by anti-Chinese sentiment.
The Solomons archipelago occupies a strategic location as the major island chain to the east before the large expanse of the central Pacific stretches forth for thousands of miles further in open waters. It was widely contested during major wars and changed hands between Germany, Japan and the United Kingdom at various points in its colonial history. It is officially part of the British Commonwealth and has been visited by Queen Elizabeth II as well as Prince William and the Dutchess of Cambridge. During my visit what struck me was also the strong connection with America that the islanders also feel. I visited the Vilu open-air museum dedicated to World War 2 relics and my guide who remembered the war years spoke fondly for Americans. There is even a memorial dedicated to the Battle of Guadalcanal with an inscription that memorializes all who fought with an American flag alongside the Solomon Islands flag.
There is also general support for Australia’s humanitarian and security assistance. During the most difficult days of civil strife from 2003 to 2017 across the archipelago, Australia was a major contributor to the Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands (RAMSI). When I visited Honiara, RAMSI was wrapping up its operations in a well-guarded compound in the city. I visited and spoke to officials within the compound and there was a sense of unease then on what lay ahead after their withdrawal. The country was still desperately poor and lacking educational and infrastructure investment. Although there was much potential for development with abundant mineral resources and beautiful forests and beaches for future tourism development, insecurity had hampered such prospects.
In my assessment of the situation from personal field observations, the West actually has more goodwill in the country than China. However, rather than making this a battle for hegemonic ascendance, China and the West should focus on how to use this country as test case of development cooperation. Rather than stoking domestic tensions, suspicions through innuendo and divisive rhetoric, all external powers should focus on helping the country heal and rebuild from years of insecurity. As the United States sends a mission to Honiara in the coming week and also opens an embassy in the country, the delegates will likely be welcomed by the islanders more so than the Chinese. However, if they start to grandstand and make the situation a zero-sum game between the East and the West, the delegates will be rebuffed as intervening in state sovereignty. It is high time that we find opportunities for cooperation on development efforts between China and the West and cautiously reduce the temperature on security concerns.
Saleem H. Ali is Blue and Gold Distinguished Professor and Chair of the Department of Geography and Spatial Sciences at the University of Delaware. Twitter @saleem_ali
Addendum Photo Essay (all photos by author)
